Regional organisations are weakened when its member states prioritise sovereignty over regional cooperation.

Introduction

At the end of the Cold War, there was a sharp increase in the contribution of regional organisations to maintaining peace and security (Abass, 2004). Interestingly, the establishment of regional organisations was primarily motivated by the need to prevent the recurrence of unprecedented conflicts such as the Cuba crisis, and the Afghanistan invasion. The existence of global and regional bodies like the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the European Union (EU) attests to this fact. As a matter of fact, they play a crucial role in maintaining global peace and fostering cooperation among nations. Specifically, this would involve supporting collective security, effective conflict resolution, and promoting economic development, these organisations play a significant role in shaping the world's political, economic, and social landscape. Take the case of the EU, for example, which has undergone a significant transformation from a technical institution to a political cooperation. This led to a substantial increase in member states, growing from 6 to 28 (Philipps, 2009). However, in recent times, there has been a withdrawal from the EU by the United Kingdom. This development has major implications for the EU, and the broader global community both economically and politically.

In light of the current state of global affairs marked by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has triggered a significant economic downturn, the shutting down of international borders, and a sharp decline in international travel, commercial liberalists had anticipated a corresponding decrease in collaboration among the world's leading powers (Ripsman, 2021). The contemporary geopolitical landscape has presented international organisations with increasingly complex challenges. Various organisations address a range of matters such as peace and security, human rights, international economic and environmental concerns, as well as the harmonisation of international aviation or broadcast standards (Barkin, 2013). Nevertheless, these organisations have continued to play a vital role in facilitating cooperation and collaboration among nations, promoting peace and security, and addressing various regional issues. Their continued existence and relevance in today's world underscores the importance of international cooperation in achieving common goals and objectives among states.

The objective of this paper is to present an argument stating that the state, in its pursuit of national interest and security, prioritizes sovereignty over regional cooperation has weakened regional organisation. This argument is based on the fact that states often withdraw from trade agreements and impose high taxes and tariffs on goods, which ultimately affects the integration and trade with other states. Even more importantly, in the realm of politics, member states frequently prioritize their national interests over regional collaboration, leading to their withdrawal of membership from regional organisations. Unfortunately, this tendency not only has the potential to undermine coordinated regional efforts aimed at addressing terrorism but also threatens regional security as a whole. It can be argued that this approach is not the best for the broader goals of regional cooperation and integration therefore weakening it.

This study adopts realism as a theoretical framework given its state-centric focus. It draws on two case studies focusing on the ECOWAS and the EU. This essay will delve into the discussion on Mali, a nation-state that recently left ECOWAS and the United Kingdom's Brexit decision from the EU. The purpose of these two case studies is to present two distinct narratives, that affect the regional organisation from a political and economic standpoint as they have prioritised sovereignty undermines regional cooperation.

Realism as a Theoretical Framework

Realism as a theory has different assumptions but the focus will be the state in this regard. One of the key principles of realism is that states prioritize national security and the survival of the state (Jackson and Sorensen, 2019). Before delving deeper into the ongoing discussion, it is important to examine the notion of state sovereignty and national interest within the context of regional organisations. This is primary because it is the state that has influential power in international relations by its conduct. By doing so, we can gain a thorough comprehension of the particular concept in question is paramount to our success as well as the implications it has for regional organisations. According to realists, the primary entities that play a pivotal role in the global arena are states. These states are primarily focused on safeguarding their security, working towards achieving their national interests, and competing for power (Karpowicz and Julian, 2023).

In addition, it can be observed that the state has effectively leveraged the influence of international organisations to assert its soft power, signalling a departure from conventional economic and military strategies. This shift has resulted in a change in the dynamics of international politics. The state's limited use of economic and military powers suggests an increased reliance on non-coercive forms of influence. This trend has significant implications for the global balance of power and the strategies employed by nations to achieve their national interest goals. A nation can achieve the desired results in the global political arena by influencing other countries to emulate its ideals and adopt its policies while aspiring to attain a similar level of prosperity and openness (Nye, 2004). This can be achieved through the interaction in these regional organisations created to enhance a global hegemony. Following the conclusion of World War II, the United States of America assumed a leading role in advocating for the establishment of the United Nations (UN) as a platform for facilitating collaborative efforts among nations on a broad range of global concerns and issue areas through the framework of treaties and agreements (Weiss and Wilkinson, 2023). It is assumed that an environment of cooperation is fostered, however, realists may argue that this is not always the case. This is because the United States had a practice of rewarding cooperation and penalizing those who refused to cooperate, while also playing the role of a protector of the global economic system, which it shared with its allied nations (Weiss and Wilkinson 2023).

Going further into international politics, the realist theory is highly relevant, particularly in the context of regional organisations. Such organisations are significantly impacted by the interests and preferences of the most powerful nations within the global system. As such, these regional organisations are often viewed as a reflection of these states, rather than as independent actors. This dynamic can have significant implications for the decision-making processes and outcomes of regional organisations, as the interests of the most powerful states may not always align with those of smaller or less influential members. For that reason, understanding the role of power and influence in regional organisations is critical for analysing and interpreting their actions and decisions. When each state prioritizes its national interests, achieving cooperation under anarchic conditions and reaching a consensus on shared principles becomes exceedingly challenging (Rosenboim, 2022). Thus, from a realist point of view, the state does not focus on cooperation but rather uses regional organisations as a forum to exercise its power.

Literature review

Regional integration aims to achieve mutual benefits through cooperation among a group of self-interested states within an anarchic international system (Abegunde, 2021) The decisions made in this regard are reflective of the approach taken towards collaboration in the formulation of policies aimed at addressing regional challenges through regional organisations. The sovereignty of nation-states plays a crucial role in shaping regional interactions within regional organisations and influencing the political decision-making process both politically and economically. However, such policies can potentially hinder regional cooperation with individual citizens of these countries too. The objective of the Borderless Africa Campaign is to enable the free movement of Africans within the continent without the current visa restrictions. This campaign aims to promote better trade, integration, and development opportunities throughout Africa (Etkgroup, 2024). Such a goal to be achieved for regional economic growth can be affected resulting in a direct impact on the population's free movement which is granted through visa-free policy.

Therefore, this restriction will make the movement of goods and services within the regions more difficult. Likewise, looking at the economic impact of state prioritising sovereignty over regional cooperation has more implications. Specifically, these could include measurable material cuts to economic growth, trade, and foreign direct investment among others (Borzyskowski, and Vabulas,2018). Subsequently, the impact on trade relations and economic integration in ECOWAS in 2022, the impact on trade relations and economic integration in ECOWAS was significant. “According to data from the region’s trade information system (ECOTIS) portal, total trade volumes, including imports and exports, from the ECOWAS region to the rest of the world amounted to $277.22 billion” (Etkgroup, 2024). As a result, if any of the states withdraw their contribution it may have an impact on the economic gains for a regional organisation like ECOWAS as the figures show. Moving on, the economy continues to be affected by these structural vulnerabilities, West African nations rely significantly on external variables such as global commodity prices, remittances from workers abroad, foreign direct investments, and international aid inflows (World Economic Situation and Prospects 2024). Apparently, the regional economic blocs serve as the fundamental pillars of the African Continental Free Trade Area AfCFTA. Also, the anticipated reduction in the size of the ECOWAS is bound to weaken the foundational structures of the AfCFTA. Moreover, “the full implementation of the AfCFTA agreement is projected to increase real incomes by nearly $450 billion” (Etkgroup, 2024). Again, this situation is likely to have a negative impact on the overall economic integration of the African continent.

In the realm of politics states prioritising sovereignty over regional cooperation can affect peace and stability within the regions. Specifically, in the case of African states, it will politically affect the regional organisations in their fight against terrorism, intelligence sharing, and common peacekeeping missions in the region. Recently, in the period between January 2016 and September 2016, Africa experienced no fewer than 1,426 instances of violence related to terrorism (Cummings, 2017). In the effort to combat terrorism, member states of the regional organisation have reached an agreement to enhance their unity and prohibit the utilisation of their territories by any individuals or groups for terrorist activities, as well as to refrain from providing any form of support to terrorists (Mensah, 2023). Then again the adaptation of such security measures can be argued to be essential but in a situation when a nation-state fails to agree to it in her quest for sovereignty the goal may not be achieved. Of course, this is primary because terror groups may use these territories of nation-states as camps to attack neighbouring countries which may affect the peace and stability of the region.

Generally speaking, civil unrest in regions and peacekeeping efforts within the Sahel region have been difficult for regional organisations. For example in Mali, there are multiple international interventions including France's Operation Barkhane, the UN's MINUSMA peacekeeping force, the EU's CIVCAP-Sahel rule of law mission, and the EUTM military training mission. (Bøås, 2021). Many member states, including Mali, have been criticized for not investing enough in the violence-affected regions of the country, particularly in the north and central areas for their lack of willingness to undertake counter-insurgency operations and develop community programming (Devermont, 2019). Indeed prioritising its sovereignty and not being willing to join the cooperative efforts in the peacekeeping mission’s effort will affect regional organisation.

Case study Mali’s withdrawal from ECOWAS

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has recently experienced significant political and economic difficulties as a result of its member states prioritising sovereignty, prompting the selection as one of my case studies to support the argument of this paper. Unfourtanely, this instability includes the occurrence of coup d'états in the Sahel region of Mali, Guinea, Chad, and Burkina Faso, as well as cross-border terrorism insurgencies extending from Nigeria to other areas. As a result, this brings to attention the need to undertake a thorough analysis of its political implications on the region's organisation. Regions are exposed to disruption both internally and externally, as they are shaped by the same forces that contribute to their development (Söderbaum, 2004). Our primary area of concentration is Mali, a country that recently announced on January 27th, 2024, its intention to withdraw from membership of the ECOWAS (Westcott, 2024).

Mali as a nation has proven to prioritise state sovereignty for national interest by changing her foreign policy direction to part ways with her close ally and colonial master France. The move could further weaken ECOWAS which has struggled to contain a democratic retreat in the West Africa region (Balima and Diallo, 2024). According to Colonel Abdoulaye Maiga, a spokesperson for Mali's military government, it wants French forces to leave Mali immediately in February 2022 (Risemberg, 2022) In addition, Mali's decision will hurt the efforts to fight terrorism within the region. It is apparent that certain issues are being overlooked, such as the activities of ethnic militias and security services, which are leading to the expansion of operations by extremist groups and their ability to recruit new members. (Devermont, 2019).

Moreover, the recent announcement regarding withdrawal from the regional bloc will have repercussions for the level of cooperation and weaken the organisation. According to Fahiraman Kone, a project manager for the Sahel based in Mali at the Institute for Security Studies, a prominent African think tank, the decision of the landlocked Sahel states to withdraw will have significant implications for the ECOWAS (cited in Hairsine, 2024). Kone believes that this move will further weaken the organisation, which has been facing several challenges in recent times. The recent actions taken by Mali's military may have significant implications for the democratic principles upheld in the Sahel region. Despite the condemnation of military coups by ECOWAS, such actions have resulted in a spillover effect to other states that have weakened the organisation's ability to implement effective governance policies within the bloc.

Additionally, the economic impact of such actions cannot be overlooked, particularly regarding trade within the Sahel regions of ECOWAS. The bloc's efforts to promote trade among member states are significantly affected by these developments. The implementation of tariff barriers and the absence of unrestricted entry to the ports of Cotonou, Lomé, Abidjan or Tema will result in a significant increase in the cost of Sahelian imports (Walther, 2024). In 2022, “total exports from ECOWAS were worth $131.36bn. Mali exported $3.91 billion worth of goods, and trade with the rest of the world accounted for $446.14 million with Mali’s imports worth $6.45bn” (Etkgroup, 2024). Looking at these numbers is evidence and can be argued that Mali contributes to the GDP of ECOWAS and her actions will affect the regional organisation economically if it withdraws from the organisation. This scenario is expected to have a significant impact on the trade activities within the Economic Community of West African States (ElGanainy, et al, 2023). Implementing certain regulations is likely to pose challenges to the free movement of goods and services in the informal sector, particularly in the case of landlocked countries such as Mali.

Case study European Union and Brexit situation

The European Union has encountered recent challenges in fostering cooperation with the Brexit situation. Its former member state, the United Kingdom prioritising sovereignty has affected it both politically and economically by leaving the bloc which prompted the choice to be a case study. One of the major challenges that were faced in the early period of this decade was the Economic Eurozone crisis and immigration which led to an array of economic problems (Mustafa, et al 2020). Specifically, the issue of migration has caused a division in the Union, as member states have focused on protecting their national interests and security, potentially to the detriment of the EU border-free policy. This action can affect the employment market in the EU “as increasing migration restrictions will result in higher unemployment and low wages in the aggregate, though some subsets of workers suffer more than others” (Sargent, 2023). This situation could be argued that will leave the European Union, with higher barriers to trade, capital flows, and labour mobility that will affect output and jobs not only in the UK but also in the remaining 27 EU member states (World Economic Forum, 2018). Going further, the European Union will be affected financially by the Brexit situation. This is evident by its amount of contribution to the EU budget resulting in the UK coming in second place in the ranking, with roughly 10 billion euros of net contributions in 2018 (Buchholz, 2023). Besides, the UK is among the EU 27's largest trading partners, accounting for about 13 per cent of its trade in goods and services, with gross bilateral capital flows totalling around 52 per cent of EU-27 GDP in 2016 (World Economic Forum, 2018). From a GDP standpoint, the United Kingdom's departure from the European Union is equivalent to the EU losing the 19 smallest member states. This event is expected to result in a shift in the balance of power within the EU and potentially impact the path of European integration (Policy Department For Citizens Rights and Constitutional Affairs, 2018).

Moreover, the impact continues from a political perspective on the European Union. Brexit might be seen as triggering a period of changes within what once were relatively stable within the region (Baldini and Chelotti, 2022). Their action one could argue may be followed by other nation’s states leaving the bloc. An event such as this calls into question the existing administrative structure and opens up windows of opportunity for structural change in the political dynamics within the EU. Looking closely into the treaty's agreements with the European Union like that of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence (CSDP). The United Kingdom has exhibited a prominent presence in the realm of foreign and defence affairs, establishing itself as a key player in this domain. Its contributions and influence in this sphere have been significant, and its efforts have been widely recognized. The UK’s withdrawal therefore led to a reduction in the EU’s capabilities and outlook in foreign, security and defence matters (Policy Department For Citizens Rights and Constitutional Affairs, 2018).

Conclusion

This paper aimed to argue that the pursuit of national interest and sovereignty by nation-states has had an adverse impact on regional cooperation within regional organisations. Through a detailed examination of the case studies of ECOWAS and the European Union, it is apparent that these organisations could have been weakened both economically and politically. In particular, member states such as Mali and the United Kingdom have prioritized reinforcing their sovereignty over embracing integration ideas offered by regional organisations. This paper posits that the prioritisation of national interests over regional cooperation undermines the effectiveness and potential of regional organisations. The disregard for the principles of regional governance, which involve the enactment of laws and trade agreements, has been a consequence of the withdrawal of regional organisations. The apparent disregard for regulatory frameworks, which were specifically put in place to foster regional cooperation and development, has become a growing concern. This issue has led to a disregard for established protocols, which could have adverse effects on the intended goals of regional organisations. The relevant stakeholders must take appropriate actions to address this concern and ensure that the regulatory frameworks are duly observed in achieving the desired outcomes. Such actions have undermined the efficacy of regional cooperation efforts, which are crucial for the advancement of mutual interests and addressing common challenges in a coordinated manner. Consequently, it is essential to ensure that regional organisations are strengthened and supported to enable the promotion of regional governance, which is critical for achieving the desired outcomes of regional integration efforts.

Henceforth, it could be recommended to revisit trade policies to ensure that countries which withdraw from regional organisations receive favourable trade agreements. Such a review would ensure that the trade agreements are in line with the interests of the respective countries. This would require a comprehensive evaluation of the existing trade policies, which would enable the identification of any loopholes that need to be addressed. Furthermore, the review should focus on the potential implications of the revised policies on the regional trade system. The proposed changes should be implemented in a manner that is consistent with the principles of fairness and equity. Ultimately, the goal of such policy recommendations would be to promote economic development and foster mutually beneficial trade relationships among nations. In the realm of political discourse, it could be considered recommendation that a judicious balance be struck between the principles of sovereignty and cooperation, with the ultimate objective of revitalising diplomatic relations. This balanced approach would enable nations to safeguard their respective interests while simultaneously engaging in constructive dialogue and collaboration with other nations. Such an approach would foster a climate of trust and mutual respect, which would be conducive to the resolution of complex global issues. Such a pursuit of this balance should form the cornerstone of any meaningful political engagement among nations. This approach is likely to prove especially effective in tackling shared challenges such as security and regional political instability, which many regional organisations face.

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